CONTEMORARY RESOURCE HARVEST AND USE

SEASONAL ROUND OF SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES

A seasonal round describes hunting, fishing, and gathering cycle followed by a community each year. This seasonal sequence of activities evolves in response to a number of factors including prevailing environmental conditions that affect travel and access to resources, the relative abundance of specific resources at certain times of the year, and regulatory constraints. While the particular details of a seasonal round vary with each community, the general pattern of a seasonal harvest cycle is followed in all communities that use wild foods.

The subsistence cycle in Kotzebue may be thought of as beginning each year at spring breakup when travel by snowmobile is no longer possible across the sea ice near Kotzebue. This usually occurs sometime in May, but may take place as late as June in some years. During breakup, surface travel to and from Kotzebue becomes difficult, if not impossible, because there is too little snow and ice for snowmobile travel, but too much for boating. To avoid this predicament, some Kotzebue residents move to spring hunting camps on the coast northwest of Kotzebue before the ice is unsafe for traveling. From these camps and from Kotzebue when enough open water permits boat travel, hunters go out in search of marine mammals, particularly the prized bearded seal, but also ringed seal and rarely, walrus. Migrating waterfowl are also hunted at this time, and their eggs are gathered as soon as they are available. Near town, dedicated fishermen continue to jig for sheefish on the remnants of shorefast ice. As the ice begins to clear, people fish for herring, small sheefish, whitefish, and Dolly Varden. Beluga hunting also begins at this time. A few people hunt muskrats on the Kobuk River delta. From a subsistence perspective, this late spring and early summer season (late May-early July) is among the busiest of the year. With cool, dry weather and the availability of seals, much of the year's supply of seal oil and "black meat" (half-dried bearded seal) is produced at this time.

Summer comes to the northwest arctic coast in late June or July when ice-associated hunting diminishes, and local boat travel is unrestricted by ice. Beluga hunting continues into July, as does gathering eggs and early greens. With the arrival of salmon in Kotzebue Sound in early July, many Kotzebue residents turn their attention to salmon fishing for subsistence and commercial purposes. Berry picking commences in late July with ripening salmonberries, followed by blueberries, blackberries or crowberries, and cranberries. Dolly Varden begins to be incidentally caught in salmon nets in early August. Salmon fishing concludes around the end of August while berry picking continues through September.

Fall begins in Kotzebue when the salmon run has passed and cool weather coincides with the southward caribou migration to make hunting practical by boat before the rivers freeze. Fall ends when firm sea ice provides new travel routes and hunting areas. This season usually lasts from late August to early November.

In late August, Kotzebue residents begin hunting in earnest for moose and caribou along the Noatak and Kobuk River systems. This continues until the rivers begin to freeze up in late September. Waterfowl hunting and bear hunting also take place I September. A few Kotzebue residents hunt Dall sheep in Baird and DeLong Mountains between mid August and Mid September. As the rivers begin to freeze, Kotzebue residents catch their winter's supply of whitefish at the outlets of the lagoons near Cape Krusenstern. Roots are gathered along the Noatak River after the first frost. Cranberry picking continues. As ice begins to form in October, Kotzebue hunters pursue the young bearded seals and spotted seals that appear with the ice. As soon as ice forms on the lagoon or along the shore near town, residents jig for saffron cod, locally called "tomcod."

Winter sets in on the Kotzebue Sound coast in late October or November when surface travel by snowmobile becomes possible on the coastal ice. Caribou, if available, are hunted throughout winter as are moose, ptarmigan, and hare. Hunters travel widely in search of wolf, wolverine, and fox. Some residents set traps for fur animals. Ringed seals are hunted from offshore leads. In early winter, shellfish nets re set under the ice in "Kobuk Lake" (Hotham Inlet). As daylight lengthens after the turn of the year, hunters travel farther in search of moose, caribou, fur animals, and seals. Sheep hunting takes place in Baird Mountains in late winter and early spring. Bears are taken as they emerge from their dens. Jigging for shellfish begins with intensity in March and continues until the ice is no longer safe for traveling. Small numbers of burbot and northern pike are caught along with sheefish.

Winter ends in April when mild temperatures, long days, and softening snow herald the coming of breakup. Sheep and bear hunting and sheefish fishing continued throughout this month as long as traveling conditions are good. Ringed seal hunting also picks up. The first waterfowl of the year are taken in late April or early May. Some Kotzebue residents travel to Kivalina and Point Hope in April to join bowhead whaling crews. Others move to spring camps in the Sisualik (Shesshlik on USGS maps) and Cape Krusenstern areas.

This seasonal pattern varies annually according to weather, temperature, traveling conditions, and species availability. Longer term changes in the seasonal round also occur as a result of expanding or diminishing fish and wildlife populations, changes in technology, geographical shifts in human settlement and land use, and regulatory changes. Because Kotzebue's population is diverse, some Kotzebue residents participate in harvest activities in other communities such as beluga hunting in Buckland, Dolly Varden seining in Noatak, burbot fishing in Kiana, or bowhead whaling in Kivalina. . . .

HOUSEHOLD PARTICIPATION IN RESOURCE HARVEST ACTIVITIES

Participating effectively in harvest activities in the Kotzebue area required time, equipment and, in most cases, a great deal of knowledge. Not only did a Kotzebue hunter or fisherman need to know where and when to find certain resources, but he or she also needed to know how to pilot a boat, drive a snowmobile, repair an engine, not get lost, and respond appropriately to adverse weather, water, and other environmental conditions. Few harvest activities took place in areas that could be reached by road.

Not surprisingly, then, berry picking--which required virtually no equipment and could take place within walking distance of town--was the harvest activity in which the most households (56.6 percent) participated. This was also the only specific resource harvest activity in which more than one-half of all Kotzebue households successfully participated. Harvest activities in which one-third to one-half of Kotzebue households successfully participated included caribou and duck hunting and salmon, sheefish, and Dolly Varden fishing.

In nearly all specific resource harvest activities, Alaska native households participated to a greater extent than non-Native households. This was especially true with marine mammals, waterfowl, ptarmigan, caribou, saffron cod, smelt, herring, and greens. . . .

In general, native households were more knowledgeable about harvest activities, more tied to harvest activities as an expression of their lives and culture, and more likely to have food preferences encompassing a wider variety of wild resources than non-Native households. . . .

EXCHANGE OF WILD RESOURCES

The exchange of wild resources remained a fundamental part of northwest Alaska Iñupiaq life in the mid 1980s. It was so ubiquitous that it was virtually impossible for most Kotzebue households to count the number of times they received or gave away wild foods during the course of a year. Some households hunted or fished little themselves, receiving most of their wild foods from others. Other households hunted and fished repeatedly, giving away substantial portions of their catch. Certain specialty foods or delicacies, such as resources with limited availability or prepared in special ways, ranged particularly far in exchange networks.

The 1986 survey collected data on the types of wild resosurce exchanged by Kotzebue residents and the communities with which these exchanges took place. Researchers inquired about three types of exchanges: barter, in which one item was directly exchanged for another item; trade, in which cash was a component of the transaction; and generalized sharing, in which there was no expectation of a return.

BARTER

Expanded survey results showed that an estimate 31.0 percent of Kotzebue households engaged in the barter of wild resources in 1986. Participation I bartering had a direct relationship with harvest groups: Households in the high-harvest group participated most widely (56.7 percent of households) and those in the low group least widely (26.7 percent). Households in the medium-harvest group fell between these two (30.0 percent). The high groups greater participation I bartering was likely due to its having more surplus resources available for exchange.

Based on survey results, Kotzebue households engaged in an estimated total of 560 barter transactions involving wild resources in 1986. These included transactions in which households directly exchanged one item for another, such as caribou for seal oil or gasoline for sheefish. Fish accounted for the largest proportion (31.0 percent) of all items exchanged in barter transactions, followed by groceries and fuel (17.3 percent) marine mammal products (16.3 percent) and meat from gig game (14.2 percent. Sheefish, caribou, grocieries, and seal oil were the specific items most widely exchanged by barter. Excluding groceries, these resources corresponded closely with those most heavily harvested by Kotzebue residents, namely caribou, bearded seal, salmon, and sheefish. More than one-half (55.0 percent) of the barter transactions in 1986 took place among Kotzebue residents. The next most common (24.6 percent) was barter transactions between Kotzebue and communities outside the region such as Anchorage, Nome, and North Slope communities. The third most common (20.4 percent) were barter transactions between Kotzebue and other communities in the Northwest Arctic Borough.

The types of items exchanged among communities were fairly predictable reflecting the differences in resource availability in the different communities. For instance, Kotzebue residents frequently bartered seal oil with Selawik and Kobuk River communities in exchange for dried fish or furs. Kotzebue residents exchanged such items as sheefish, saffron cod, and berries for "black Meat" (dried bearded seal), muktuk and ivory from Kivalina, Point Hope Wainwright, and other north Slope communities. Barter between Kotzebue and Nome most frequently involved the exchange of sheefish for king crab.

TRADE

Trade is a secondary way households exchanged wild resources. For this study, trade was considered a direct exchange on a limited scale of wild resources and cash. According to the survey, Kotzebue households engaged in an estimate total of 408 trade transactions in 1986, somewhat fewer then 560 barter transactions estimated for the same year. In most cases (86.8 percent) this involved a transaction between two individuals. However, in a few cases (13.2 percent) this involved a transaction between an individual and a store. Local stores, for example, often seasonally sold muktuk and dried fish even though neither of these products are commercially harvested. Researchers did not include as trade the purchase from a store of commercially harvested resources such as salmon, sheefish, and reindeer.

Paniqtuq (dried fish or meat) was the item Kotzebue households most frequently exchanged for cash. This was involved in 19.6 percent of trade transactions in 1986. Following this were skins and furs (16.7 percent) seals and seal oil (16.4 percent) and sheefish (11.3 percent). Native crafts, Dolly Varden, caribou muktuk, and assorted other fish including whitefish and burbot were also frequently reported as trade items by Kotzebue households.

Resources were most commonly available for trade "in-season." For example, berries were typically available for trade in late summer and fall, muktuk in spring, and furs in late winter. Although not addressed in the survey, informal observations by the researchers indicated that Kotzebue residents usually offered resources for trade when they had a surplus available, and not as routine matter of course.

GENERALIZED SHARING

Generalized sharing to relatives, elders, and friends was by far the most widespread type of exchange in Kotzebue in 1986. This type of exchange was so common that most households were unable to estimate the number of times they received or gave away wild foods during the course of a year. For Inupiaq households, there was a strong cultural belief that the more a person gave away, the easier it was to get. One hunter attributed his easy success in hunting to his widespread sharing of his harvest.

Rather than estimate the total number of times households shared resources, researchers instead were interested in the general geographic pattern of resource exchange in a regional center. Respondents were asked with which communities they shared seven selected resources: caribou, moose, seal, beluga, salmon, Dolly Varden, and whitefish. Sharing included either receiving or giving resources. Researchers then defined each of these combinations of community-resource as a sharing event. Information on the frequency of a reported sharing event was not collected; however, each event occurred at least once, and perhaps more than once, during the study year.

For example, one household reported receiving caribou from a Kotzebue resident and a "Kobuk Lake" (Hotham Inlet) camp resident (two sharing events); giving seal to a Kotzebue resident and a Selawik resident (two events); receiving beluga from a Kivalina resident (one event); giving salmon to a Kotzebue resident (one event); receiving Dolly Varden form a Noatak resident and giving Dolly Varden to a Kotzebue resident (two events); and receiving whitefish from a Kotzebue and a Selawik resident (two events) - a total of ten sharing events. This household, however, might have on several occasions shared caribou or seal with Kotzebue residents, and thus their actual sharing might be considerable more than represented in the survey results.

Expanded survey results showed that Kotzebue households participated in a total of 4,403 of the sharing events described above. More than one-half (55.0 percent) of the sharing events took place among Kotzebue households. This was not surprising given the widespread kinship ties and the daily interaction Kotzebue residents had with each other in the home, the neighborhood, and the workplace, facilitating distribution of wild foods. One-third (33.3 percent) of the sharing events took place between Kotzebue and the ten other communities in the Northwest Arctic Borough and 11.7 percent took place between Kotzebue and other areas of Alaska and other states.

Of the sharing events between Kotzebue residents and residents of other communities, Noatak accounted for the most, followed by Noorvik and Kivalina, Selawik, the North Slope region, Kiana. In the cases of Noatak, Noorvik, Kivalina, Selawik, and Kiana, the higher percentage of sharing events could likely be explained by their greater kinship ties with and their closer proximity to Kotzebue. The sharing events with the North Slope region reflected Kotzebue residents' desire for North Slope resources such as beluga and bowhead muktuk which were not always sufficiently available in the Kotzebue area.

Comparatively little sharing was reported between Kotzebue and the upper Kobuk River communities of Ambler, Shungnak, and Kobuk. The same was true for the northern Seward Peninsula communities of Deering and Buckland. This was likely the result of their distance from Kotzebue, their fewer kinship ties to Kotzebue, and the absence of a highly desirable food in their resource base that was not also available in Kotzebue (as in the case of muktuk from North Slope communities).

Specific resources showed different geographic distributions within Kotzebue's exchange network. For example, while the exchange of caribou, moose, and salmon showed no clear geographic pattern, beluga, Dolly Varden, and whitefish showed very strong patterns. With the exception of Kotzebue, beluga was exchanged most often with Kivalina and North Slope communities, Dolly Varden with Kivalina and Noatak, and whitefish with Selawik and the lower Kobuk river communities of Noorvik and Kiana. In all these cases, Kotzebue households primarily received these resources from these communities rather than gave.

Other geographic exchange patterns were also evident. For example, seal and whitefish were the wild resources most frequently exchanged between Kotzebue and Selawik and between Kotzebue and the Kobuk River communities. Seal was given to these communities by Kotzebue residents and whitefish was received from them. This was a continuation of a very old tradition of exchange between coastal and riverine people. The only clear pattern of exchange of the selected resources was relatively uncommon there; smelt, sheefish, and shellfish might be items more commonly exchanged between these areas.

SEASONAL MOVEMENT PATTERNS

CAMPS

In the 1980's, seasonal camps were used by Kotzebue residents for a variety of harvest activities. In most cases, camps provided better access to resources and better conditions for preparing and preserving wild foods. The latter was particularly important in a regional center like Kotzebue where vehicular traffic, dusty roads, lack of space, and the curious stares of summer tourists made drying meat or fish a challenge.

Unlike temporary camps that people hastily erect for a night or two while traveling or hunting, seasonal camps were characterized by fairly permanent structures, long-term locations, and extended periods of use. These structures typically included plywood cabins or wood frames for wall tents, storage sheds or caches, and drying racks for fish or meat. Some camps had look-out towers for spotting game or assessing ice conditions. Used by the same families year after year, seasonal camps typically remained in the same location until changing environmental conditions necessitated a move. Seasonal camps were often occupied for weeks at a time during key harvest periods; others were intermittently used year-round.

Expanded survey results showed that camps were used by slightly more than one-half (51.1 percent) of Kotzebue households in 1986. Camp use was directly related to harvest group: 86.7 percent of households in the high-harvest group used seasonal camps compared with 66.7 percent in the medium-harvest group and 40.0 percent in the low-harvest group. The widespread use of camps by households in the high-harvest group was not surprising given that active hunters and fishermen were more likely than others to have camps that facilitated a large harvest of resources. More surprising was that even in the low-harvest group a significant percentage of households used camps during the study year. Informal observations by the researchers suggested that most Inupiaq residents of Kotzebue looked forward to opportunities to go to camp as a way to practice cultural traditions and to escape the noise and congestion of town.

Expanded survey results showed that the Noatak River, particularly its lower 50 miles, was the area most widely used for camps by Kotzebue residents in 1986. An estimated 20.8 percent of Kotzebue households used the Noatak River, including places such as Ikattuq, Little Noatak Slough, Kipnik, Hugo Creek, Agashashok River, and Sikusuilaq. The lower Noatak River area was used year-round for a variety of harvest activities including fishing, waterfowl hunting, moose hunting, trapping, and berry and plant gathering. Although the lower Noatak River was not far from Kotzebue, its forested, riverine environment provided an ecological contrast to Kotzebue's coastal tundra.

The second most widely used area for camps was the Kotzebue Sound-Chukchi Sea coast to the northwest of Kotzebue. Camps used in this area stretched along the coast for 50 miles from Nuvugraq, ten miles northwest of Kotzebue, to Rabbit Creek, 25 miles south of Kivalina. Expanded survey results showed that an estimated 17.5 percent of all Kotzebue households used this coastal area, including such places as Nuvugraq, Sisualik, Akulaaq, Anigaaq, Salluq,Cape Krusenstern, Qiliqmiaq, and Rabbit Creek. Many of these locations have been seasonal camps customarily used by Inupiaq residents of Kotzebue and Noatak for generations. This coastal region, used primarily from April through October for seal and beluga hunting, waterfowl hunting, fishing, berry picking, and plant and egg gathering, continued to be a key harvest area in the 1980's for Kotzebue residents.

The Kobuk River was a third area widely used by Kotzebue residents for camps. Expanded survey results showed that an estimated 15.2 percent of all Kotzebue residents for camps. Expanded survey results showed that an estimated 15.2 percent of all Kotzebue households use the Kobuk River. However, unlike the coastal and Noatak River areas where camps used by Kotzebue residents were concentrated within a 50-mile section, camp locations on the Kobuk River were reported from the delta to above the community of Kobuk, a distance of more than 200 miles. Camp use along the Kobuk River was likely heavily associated with caribou hunting. Kinship ties to Kobuk River communities also might draw some Kotzebue residents to camps in this area. In contrast to the coastal area and the Noatak River mouth, the Kobuk River was not part of the traditional territory of the Qikiqtagrunmuiut at the time of western contact (Burch 1980:289). This might account in part for the lack of a clear pattern of land use in the area by Kotzebue residents.

Two other areas near Kotzebue were used for camps by local residents, but by fewer households than the three previously described. The first of these was "Kobuk Lake," or Hotham Inlet, where several Kotzebue families maintained camps along the north shore. Many of these camps were occupied year-round as permanent residences and used additionally for fishing, hunting, and berry picking by relatives and friends residing in Kotzebue. Expanded survey results showed that an estimated 4.4 percent of Kotzebue households used the "Kobuk Lake" area including such places as Ivik and Fish Creek.

The Baldwin Peninsula was another area used for camps by a small percentage of Kotzebue households; an estimated 3.5 percent of households used this area. The Baldwin Peninsula included "North Tent City," "South Tent City," "Sadie Creek," and Iluviaq, all of which were immediately adjacent to or very near Kotzebue. These camps were primarily used from may through October for fishing, seal and beluga hunting, and berry picking. Occasionally these camps were also used in winter particularly by households involved in dog mushing.

Finally, an estimated 5.6 percent of households used areas other than those already described. Sampled households, for example, reported using camps at Selawik River, Fox River, Kivalina River, and "Selawik Hot Springs". Most of these were probable used for fishing in the summer and fall with the exception of "Selawik Hot Springs" which was occasionally used for hunting from February to April.

TRAVEL TO OTHER COMMUNITIES FOR HARVEST ACTIVITIES

Expanded survey results showed that an estimated 24.6 percent of Kotzebue households visited another community to hunt, fish, or gather wild resources in 1986. Such travel was directly related to harvest group 53.3 percent of households in the high-harvest group and 16.7 percent in the low-harvest group. Kiana was the most commonly visited community (8.2 percent of all Kotzebue households), followed by Noatak (7.4 percent of households), Point Hope (4.7 percent of households), Noorvik (4.5 percent of households), and Ambler (4.1 percent of households).

Although the survey did not collect data on the reasons these communities were visited, researchers' observations offer some suggestions. Caribou hunting most likely brought Kotzebue households to Kiana and Ambler, while bowhead whaling likely attracted hunters to Point Hope. Noorvik and Noatak might have been destinations for Kotzebue households interested in caribou and moose hunting, fishing, or furbearer harvest. Kinship also likely played a role in this latter travel pattern; based on the birthplace of household heads and spouses, Noatak and Noorvik were the northwest Alaska communities accounting for the greatest percentage of migration to Kotzebue. Kinship was also likely an important factor in the travels of Kotzebue Native households to the less widely visited communities such as Deering, Buckland, Selawik, and Shungnak. The extent to which kinship influenced travel to Kiana, Ambler, and Point Hope was not known. In general, however, it appeared that the ability to harvest resources not locally available was a major impetus for Kotzebue residents to travel to other communities in the region for harvest activities.

TRAVEL TO KOTZEBUE BY RESIDENTS OF OTHER COMMUNITIES

Expanded survey results showed that an estimated 12.7 percent of Kotzebue households had someone from another community stay with them to work, hunt, or fish commercially in 1986. Of the visitors, an estimated 52.0 percent came to work, 40.8 percent came for commercial fishing, 10.8 percent came for hunting, and a few came for more than one reason. The residences of the visitors reported by sampled households were diverse, ranging from the nearby community of Noorvik to the state of California, from the Inupiaq community of Shishmaref to the state of Maine, and from the nearby community of Noatak to the state of North Dakota.